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Libertarianismul ca victima colaterala | ![]() | ![]() | ![]() |
Economie |
Scris de Florin Rusu |
Vineri, 08 Iulie 2011 12:34 |
Dar de ce ar avea un libertarian datoria de a nu participa si chiar de a se impotrivi prin toate mijloacele non-agresive unui razboi modern? Pentru ca razboaiele moderne sunt declarate de catre un stat (sau o instituie internationala mai nou – precum NATO) impotriva altui stat, a cetatenilor (inclusiv civililor) acestuia si impotriva propriilor cetateni declarati dezertori. Dezertori la propriu si la figurat. Un libertarian consecvent nu are alta sansa decat sa fie declarat din start, potrivit definitiei razboiului modern, inamicul propriului sau guvern.
Wendy McElroy sustine de altfel ca singurul tip de razboi in care un libertarian ar putea fi implicat este unul despre care s-a mai scris pe acest blog: “Thus, a just war would have to be conducted in a manner reminiscent of the 19th-century ones, during which civilians picnicked beside battlefields because the military on both sides accepted the distinction between civilians and combatants. It is not enough merely to reduce civilian casualties and to argue that any casualties were unintended. "Unintended" does not mean unpredictable or unforeseeable. If an action can predictably lead to the death or injury of innocents, then it cannot be justified within libertarianism.” De altfel textul lui McElroy este extrem de bine argumentat si construieste chiar si conditiile in care s-ar pute imagina, in absenta existentei statelor si intr-o ordine perfecta a proprietatii private, un razboi just libertarian: “A libertarian just war would have to be declared in response to an act of aggression that could not be remedied by a lesser level of defensive violence. It would have to be declared by an agency on behalf of people who had assigned their rights of self defense. The war could be declared only on behalf of those assignees. Dissenters would have to be left in peace to defend themselves, or not. The declaration of war would be against the individuals responsible for an attack but not against the "enemy" civilian population. And, finally, the war would have to be conducted with strategies and weaponry that could not foreseeably involve injuring or killing innocents.” Ce nu explica McElroy este ce s-ar intampla in conditii mixte: in care ar exista si o comunitate privata, protejata de o agentie de protectie, si state nationale (o problema similara am mai ridicat in urma cu cateva saptamani). Cum ar trebui sa se comporte membri acesteia in eventualitatea unui razboi care ar afecta si comunitatea respectiva: fie direct ca act de agresiune (invazie), fie indirect (comunitatea respectiva este victima conflictului dintre doua state-natiune la fel de invadatoare). Si ce sanse de supravietuire ar avea agentia de protectie respectiva? Daca majoritatea membrilor comunitati isi exercita dreptul de a rupe contractul cu aceasta din varii motive, de la interesul egoist la pacifismul mai accentuat al unora dintre membri? Acestea sunt doar cateva dintre intrebarile mai mult decat necesar a fi puse unui occidental contemporan. Cu atat mai mult cu cat traim intr-o lume in care, precum scria Joseph Schumpeter, noile state au devenit un mecanism care se auto-perpetueaza, un adevarat perpetuum mobile: “created by the wars that required it, the machine now created the wars it required”.
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