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Fetisismul futurologic al comunismului | ![]() | ![]() | ![]() |
Economie |
Scris de Florin Rusu |
Luni, 18 Iulie 2011 12:03 |
Esecul unei miscari revolutionare nu trebuie confundat cu sfarsitul acesteia. Ideile care o anima supravietuiesc si pe termen lung de cele mai multe ori, din pacate, castiga batalia. Cu atat mai mult cu cat ele sunt preluate si raspandite pe de o parte, public, in special de jurnalisti, iar pe de alta parte, in secret, de societati oculte (cele mai importante revolutii, cea franceza, dar si cea americana si cea bolsevica au fost unele in care Masoneria a jucat un rol decisiv). Insa cea mai importanta descoperire a revolutionarilor secolului XVIII este cea a pervertirii limbajului traditional si a inventarii de noi cuvinte, ambigue si pline de sex-appeal. James Billington, in fabuloasa sa lucrare Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith, explica fenomenul pe care-l putem identifica si in discursurile contemporane: “We shall deal repeatedly with the linguistic creativity of revolutionaries, who used old words (democracy, nation, revolution, and liberal) in new ways and invented altogether new words like socialist and communist. Their appealing new vocabulary was taken over for nonrevolutionary usage—as in the adoption of republican and democrat for competing political parties in postrevolutionary America, or in the conservative cooptation of nation, liberal, and even radical in late nineteenth century Europe. Revolutionaries also originated other key phrases used by nonrevolutionary social theorists in our own century: cybernetics, intelligentsia (In 1843, B. F. Trentowski invented the word “cybernetics” to describe the new form of rational social technology which he believed would transform the human condition. In his neglected work, The Relationship of Philosophy to Cybernetics; or the art of ruling nations, he also invented the word “intelligentsia.”). Even speculation about “the year 2000” began not with the futurology of the 1960s, but with a dramatic work written in the 1780s by the same figure who invented the word communist.” Dar la cine se refera in ultima sa fraza Billington? Putina lume stie ca termenul de comunism n-a fost inventat de Rousseau, ci de cel cunoscut drept Rousseau du ruisseau, Restif de la Bretonne, un libertin fetisist, ce si-a defulat intreaga energie sexuala intr-o opera de dimensiuni incredibile. Scopul sau auto-declarat a fost exploatarea propriei efervescente inventive verbale. Toata viata a lucrat la un Glossographe. A scris numai putin de 250 de volume pline de fantezii lingvistice, cosmice, sociale si sexuale. Imaginatia sa fara margini l-a facut sa anticipeze aproape orice s-a intamplat sau nu s-a intamplat inca: de la calatoriile interplanetare sau energia atomica pana la cele mai inimaginabile fetisuri si perversiuni sexuale. A scris prima opera futurologica (termen mai adecvat in aceste circumstante decat cel de viitorologie), L’Année 2000, chiar in 1789. De fetisism s-a ocupat in principal intr-un roman din 1769, Le Pied de Fanchette, ou l’orphéline française. Dupa care a aprofundat subiectul, iar in 1779, a publicat o enciclopedie a actelor si fanteziilor sexuale, Le Pornographe. Despre comunism a scris inca din 1776, in Le Paysan perveti (urmata, evident, pentru corectitudine politica, de La Paysanne pervertie in 1784), insa de-abia in 1793, cand s-a apucat de Philosophie de Monsieur Nicolas, l-a utilizat pentru prima data in sensul modern al cuvantului: o forma de guvernamant bazata pe o fundamentala schimbare a statutului proprietatii. Comunismul era, in opinia sa, cea mai buna dintre cele opt forme de guvernamant posibile. Ea va da nastere unui sistem politic cu totul nou. Numai o ordine comunista putea pune capat “seductiei” (se putea altfel din partea unui libertin?!) banilor, coruptiei si viciului (termen al carui sens a fost inversat de revolutionarul inventator si manipulator de cuvinte). Comunismul lui Restif propunea eliminarea totala a proprietatii private, si instituirea unei propritati comune asupra tuturor bunurilor. Cu toate acestea, avertiza acesta, eliminarea proprietatii private conduce la eradicarea nevoilor umane, nu si a initiativei individuale. De aceea era absolut necesar ca aceasta masura sa fie dublata de educarea copiilor de catre comunitate inca de la cele mai fragede varste (pana la cinci ani copii trebuiau dezvatati de orice mostenire familiala a vechii ordini). In plus, noul om comunist trebuia sa manance numai la comun, in cantine publice. Nu in ultimul rand (keynessienii si autorii asasinatului etalonului aur stiu mai bine de ce) trebuia creata o noua monnaie communismale, care sa inlocuiasca traditionalele mijloace de schimb, si anume aurul si argintul, monede-marfa. Restif era un critic al revolutiei americane, care propunea, in opinia sa, doar o egalitate nominala. Drept urmare, intr-o societate comunista, toti cetatenii vor fi nevoiti sa accepte sa munceasca (originea moderna a dreptului la munca, in realitate o obligatie) si sa-si declare la inceputul fiecarui an estimarile privind productia (in prezent impozitarea pe norme de venit este un loc comun in toate sistemele de impozitare). Actualitatea ideilor promovate de Restif de la Bretonne arata cat de importante sunt acestea, chiar si cele ale unui autor pe nedrept considerat obscur sau o figura marginala in istoria oficiala a Revolutiei Franceze. Morala acestei istorii este data de James Billington in prefata volumului sau scris in 1980: “The origins of revolutionary words and symbols is of more than antiquarian interest; for, in the contemporary world where constitutions and free elections are vanishing almost as rapidly as monarchs, revolutionary rhetoric provides the formal legitimation of most political authority.”
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